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Scotland & Independence
This poll is closed.
- Remain Part Of The UK In Its Current Form - 108 votes
- 48%
- Gain Complete Autonomous Independence - 73 votes
- 33%
- Remain Part Of The UK But With Greater Ability-Scope To Govern Itself (Devo-Max) - 42 votes
- 19%
Stats until: 17:45 Sat 21st Dec 2024 (Refreshed every 5 minutes)
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/zeuhl, you said pay tax there/
Ohhh I understand
sorry emmie - that was imprecise of me
i was thinking of Council Tax,
but now that you mention it, I think the amounts of income tax and vat raised in Scotland are calculated and do figure in arguments about who is subsidising who
so an English person working in Scotland or running a business in Scotland would be making a contribution to the 'Scottish side'
Ohhh I understand
sorry emmie - that was imprecise of me
i was thinking of Council Tax,
but now that you mention it, I think the amounts of income tax and vat raised in Scotland are calculated and do figure in arguments about who is subsidising who
so an English person working in Scotland or running a business in Scotland would be making a contribution to the 'Scottish side'
of course not, it was wrong and vile, many joined in as a way of creating mayhem, nothing to do with the poll tax, just another way to have a pop at the government, the police and anyone they didn't like, many were socialists, anarchists, and indeed we see the same thing over and again, the August riots of 2011 were no different, any reason at all to have a ruck and cause problems for ordinary citizens..
piffle is it?
Thus it remains conventional wisdom two decades after the poll tax was introduced in Scotland on 1 April 1989. The trouble is that it isn't true. A badly thought-out and unfair tax? Certainly. A tax maliciously "tested" on Scotland? Certainly not. On the contrary, Margaret Thatcher's decision to allow the Scottish Office to legislate before England and Wales was a pragmatic reaction to perceived Scottish demands.
The chronology was this: In spring 1985, Scotland's ratepayers (domestic rates were paid directly by homeowners and indirectly by those in rented housing stock) endured a particularly punitive revaluation. In Morningside, for example, hundreds of single, elderly ladies were hit with bills of more than 2,000. These "little old ladies", be they in Troon, Bearsden or Morningside, became the impetus behind what became known colloquially as the poll tax.
There was uproar in Scotland's remaining Tory heartlands, a reaction which convinced Mrs Thatcher that a review of local government finance – which had begun the previous autumn – should swiftly reach a conclusion. There was little doubt as to what that conclusion might be. "The burden should fall, not heavily on the few," she informed the Scottish Tory conference in May 1985, "but fairly on the many."
Thus it remains conventional wisdom two decades after the poll tax was introduced in Scotland on 1 April 1989. The trouble is that it isn't true. A badly thought-out and unfair tax? Certainly. A tax maliciously "tested" on Scotland? Certainly not. On the contrary, Margaret Thatcher's decision to allow the Scottish Office to legislate before England and Wales was a pragmatic reaction to perceived Scottish demands.
The chronology was this: In spring 1985, Scotland's ratepayers (domestic rates were paid directly by homeowners and indirectly by those in rented housing stock) endured a particularly punitive revaluation. In Morningside, for example, hundreds of single, elderly ladies were hit with bills of more than 2,000. These "little old ladies", be they in Troon, Bearsden or Morningside, became the impetus behind what became known colloquially as the poll tax.
There was uproar in Scotland's remaining Tory heartlands, a reaction which convinced Mrs Thatcher that a review of local government finance – which had begun the previous autumn – should swiftly reach a conclusion. There was little doubt as to what that conclusion might be. "The burden should fall, not heavily on the few," she informed the Scottish Tory conference in May 1985, "but fairly on the many."
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